John Anderson - Tony Widing - Anders Leopold
The LaRouche movement was an important part
of the US operations against Olof Palme
Ties to the White House were severed not later than 1993; LaRouche claimed three years later that Bush and Thatcher were responsible for the murder
(Leopold Report (130226) The LaRouche movement, in Europe better known as the European Workers Party (EAP), was under cover of an intentionally unserious façade in reality a sophisticated and apparently private intelligence service that worked for the CIA and the National Security Council (NSC) in the White House.
Like the disinformants connected to the FPRI, but in a much more sophisticated manner before and after the murder, the LaRouche movement and its affiliated branches conducted operations related to “Operation Olof Palme” along at least six parallel lines that all were controlled by the LaRouche movement in the United States and West Germany. After the murder, it used disinformation to misguide the Palme murder investigation.
The relations between LaRouche/EAP and the White House were broken in 1993 after President Bill Clinton had taken office. LaRouche turned against his former superiors when his journal EIR in 1996 published an 86-page report claiming that George Bush and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher could be tied to the murder. This was the very opposite of the assertions in a similar 1986 EIR report that had accused the KGB, but then as part of the disinformation campaign.
In the 1996 report, LaRouche indirectly admitted that the 1986 report indeed had been disinformation.
The EAP was considered the most important and visible organization in the US and Europe that acted to discredit Olof Palme, and thus contributed to what in Sweden has been called the “Palme-hate”. Because of this, the EAP was after the murder considered an interesting possibility as an organization behind the murder.
The Palme operation task force, knowing that the EAP had not been directly involved in the murder as such, utilized this fact to reinforce the suspicions against the EAP into an elaborate diversion manoeuvre. This was done by drawing attention to a number of people with EAP connections, in order to waste the investigators’ time.
An important part of this was that EAP pamphlets were found in the home of the first murder suspect, Victor Gunnarsson. All who were interrogated except Gunnarsson were quickly eliminated as suspects, since they could not be placed at the scene of the murder.
Gunnarsson, however, was according to several witnesses and his own statements only minutes away from the crime scene at the corner of Sveavägen and Tunnelgatan. Also, witnesses’ descriptions of the shooter and possibly other persons at the scene fit well with Gunnarsson. He was arrested on reasonable suspicion and later released, but remained a suspect for years.
After all the hateful campaigns against Palme and the discovery that Gunnarsson had been an EAP member, the police investigators should obviously have made a basic analysis to consider whether the EAP and its affiliates could have been participants in a conspiracy. The Government's Murder Investigation Commission (GK) criticized the police investigation for not having done this.
In this article, Leopold Report presents such a basic analysis that confirms that the EAP indeed was an integrated part of the American operation against Olof Palme, which culminated with the assassination in Stockholm at 28 February, 1986.
The LaRouche movement and the EAP
The LaRouche movement was established by the American politician and self-taught economist Lyndon LaRouche who several times has been a candidate for President of the United States. His career more or less collapsed in 1988, when he was sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment for conspiracy, tax evasion and financial fraud.
The LaRouche movement carried out a massive disinformation campaign to undermine Olof Palme's position and credibility, and after the murder to sabotage the investigation.
In the mid eighties, the CIA and the NSC in the White House carried out the Iran/Contra operations that included illegal arms trade and secret warfare. The operations were revealed by the US Congress in November, 1986, and later branded as criminal.
If Olof Palme in his capacity as the United Nations' mediator in the war between Iran and Iraq had been made aware of these shady transactions - and he probably was - in the fall of 1985, when rumours about arms sales to the US enemy Iran began circulating, and if he had reported this to his superior, the UN Secretary General Pérez de Cuéllar, this monumental political scandal could have toppled the Reagan administration. Here, we find a very strong motive (among several others) to "neutralize" Olof Palme.
In this series of articles, we show that the actions against Olof Palme were governed by the CIA's well-established external apparatus that consisted of a large number of individuals and private organizations in a dense network - what we call the parallel system. Such a parallel system is designed to protect the parent organization. This is a guiding principle for construction of an intelligence organization.
The connections from the Iran/Contra operation to the LaRouche movement and others that were used in the Palme operations went through this parallel system where we find a number of American personalities from not least the CIA and the CIA's forerunner from the WWII, the OSS.
One of the most important institutions in this network was the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) in Pennsylvania that was funded by the CIA and led by three OSS veterans. In our basic analysis, we find - not surprisingly - that there was cross-collaboration between the two CIA instruments EAP and FPRI.
What we have established so far
In the first five parts of this article series, we have presented the three main disinformants among many in the Palme investigation, their mutual relationships and their connection to the secret US intelligence and security services and associated groups:
PART 1: Disinformant and professor Robert Harkavy
PART 2: Disinformant and arms dealer William Herrmann
PART 3: Disinformant and professor Oswald LeWinter
PART 4: The three disinformants made a joint attack on the Palme murder investigation
PART 5: Disinformants in the Palme murder case tied to the Reagan administration’s propaganda institute; boss was ambassador to Sweden
This has led us to conclude that these three were part of a campaign to sweep away the traces after people who really were guilty of the murder of Olof Palme.
1. They were part of a team of people who knew each other and worked towards a common goal to sabotage the murder investigation, with three different stories.
2. We can link the group to US intelligence.
3. They were protected by the FBI when the Palme Murder Investigation Group submitted inquiries about two of them. The FBI did its utmost to cover up known information, and lied to the Swedish Murder Investigation Group.
4. We have further shown that they could be linked to the propaganda institute FPRI with a history of affiliation with the CIA.
The diagram below shows the connecting lines in this network with regard to “Operation Olof Palme” as far as we have described them in the first five articles.
This is how we will continue:
In this and subsequent articles, we will further describe this network and in particular the many lines for control and command that lead to Sweden. This includes institutions and people who participated in the preparatory work and in various ways participated in the propaganda and disinformation war against Olof Palme before the murder; who played roles in connection with the murder; and who participated in operations after the murder, not least in the disinformation campaign against the Palme murder investigation. We will also describe the wider group of people and organizations that were suspects in connection with the murder investigation.
With this, we will step by step describe a number of connecting lines between Sweden and the United States (later also other countries), and show their points of attachment within the network around the CIA, the NSC in the White House, and the Iran-Contra operations.
This article deals with the EAP and the LaRouche movement.
The Government’s Murder Investigation Commission (GK 1999:701-702) pointed out that the parts of the murder investigation that concerned the political situation in Sweden lacked a documented basic analysis. It was suggested that the police and the Swedish Security Service (Säpo) had been aware of the extremist organizations and persons around them and that they had investigated them in a competent manner, but the Commission added about the “Palme-hate”:
"In one respect, this is not valid. The kind of political opposition to Olof Palme that existed during his tenure, and that in its extremes was expressed in malignant and repulsive forms, i. e. what is commonly known as 'the Palme-hate', is as far as we can see not examined and analyzed anywhere in the murder investigation documents."
The many coarse attacks on Prime Minister Olof Palme, intensified after his re-election in 1982, were intended to discredit him and make him appear suspicious, and have been labelled “the Palme-hate”. The GK thought that this hatred was too vague as a motive to be considered as an independent murder hypothesis, and argued that the lack of a basic analysis about this topic was the reason why important aspects never were investigated.
As an example of events that should have been analyzed in such a context, the GK mentions the territorial violations of submarines (the hunt for alleged intruding Soviet submarines in Swedish waters from 1981-82 and the following five-six years, and the debate around this where Palme was accused of an inadequate response, and from the most extreme critics also for treason), as well as the forthcoming travel to Moscow in April 1986 to meet with President Gorbachev (which also by the extremists was seen as evidence of treason).
The GK found that it was unacceptable to ignore these issues simply because they "were not related to [the scene of the murder at] Sveavägen", and that it could not see it as anything but
"... a mistake that the manners in which the Palme-hate was expressed, as well as its more powerful forms, were not made the subject of a basic analysis."
The GK also states that the most extreme and vociferous attacks of this kind were not placed in their proper context.
If we understand the GK correctly, it concludes that it was a mistake by the investigators to invest such great efforts into investigating individuals in Palme-hating groups without proceeding to investigate the organizations they belonged to, since these might have participated in a larger operation.
GK on EAP
In this context, the GK points to the EAP as the organization that was the most active in proliferating Palme-hate, together with its affiliated Schiller Institute that produced and distributed supporting written material and arranged meetings for the like-minded.
It is well known that being persecuted everywhere by the EAP and seeing himself portrayed, caricatured and humiliated in a number of publications had a demoralizing effect on Palme.
GK (1999:702) states that the Palme investigators, starting almost immediately after the murder, received some 200 tips about individuals associated with the EAP that could have been involved in the assassination.
Säpo wrote 15 memos about the EAP and its affiliated organizations, and five memos about its American founder Lyndon LaRouche. Sweden's UN Ambassador Anders Ferm wrote about "theories concerning the assassination of Olof Palme and information about the LaRouche/EAP." Säpo put together a list of 78 EAP names.
The GK pointed out that the investigation of individuals connected to the EAP and the Schiller Institute had been inadequate and of varying quality. In one case, the police investigators had dropped controlling a person because he was abroad.
It is clear that the investigation of the EAP etc., like the rest of the investigation, failed because the police primarily looked for "a lone gunman" and was unwilling to consider suspicious persons and organizations in a wider context. Already what we have shown in the preceding articles about disinformation after the murder is clear evidence that powerful forces in the US had an interest in keeping the murder unsolved. Hence; one should have considered an operation with extensive participation of individuals and organizations from several countries.
Thus, the GK concluded that the investigators should have carried out a basic analysis about the “Palme-hate”, not least related to the EAP. In this article, we present our own basic analysis of the EAP and its affiliated organizations in Sweden, the United States and some other countries. We will show that the EAP and its sister organizations were controlled from the US as part of a comprehensive operation aiming first at discrediting Palme, then helping to lay the groundwork for the assassination, and finally contributing to the disinformation campaign after the murder. We only describe the actual events and their effects and do not consider to which degree particular individuals were aware that they participated in a process that eventually developed into a murder operation.
What kind of organization was the EAP?
The EAP was and is part of an international movement controlled by Lyndon LaRouche in the US. It comprises i. a. small political parties in several countries, an extensive network of pressure groups and publications, collaborating "think tanks", and a youth movement. (Wikipedia 2011b).
The EAP has in many ways always been a strange and unusual organization. Mid-way in its history, it took a long step from the far left to the far right, while its positions on specific issues could have appealed to varying political directions. Its manner of presentation has varied amazingly from seemingly well-documented and almost academic reports (not least its socio-economic analysis) to primitive populism, coarse propaganda and disinformation.
An example of this is that LaRouche allowed himself and his organization to appear alternately anti-Semitic and pro-Israeli, and allowed its subsidiaries and cover organizations to play different strings (King 1989).
This heterogeneity is very unusual and abnormal for international organizations, whether they are controlled by powerful individuals (like in the LaRouche movement) or have a democratic kind of governance.
It is also strange that the LaRouche movement over the years we studied was active only in a limited number of countries, where it in turn operated broadly with large resources. Sweden was one of its main areas of operation. There is no information that LaRouche had affiliated organizations of any significance in any other Nordic countries than Denmark, but even there, it was far behind the Swedish branches in forcefulness and activity levels. However, it was very active in West Germany where it focused its attacks at Palme's close ally Willy Brandt.
In general, it has the look of a designed movement, with profile and activities tailored to meet specific political needs of the US government and intelligence community, which may vary in time and space. Many attribute this erratic behaviour to La Rouche's strong personal control over the movement and that he had an unpredictable personality. Hence; he is sometimes referred to as a "guru", and his movement as a "cult", even though it has no religious dimension. Many apparently sophisticated people in several countries have followed him for years and given his movement an intellectual appearance to show the world when convenient.
We therefore believe that the erratic and frivolous behaviour is part of a cover intended to make it appear harmless. As we will discover below, LaRouche/EAP is better described as an operational department where psychological operations have first priority and where key players understand that they have ulterior objectives other than those presented in public, hence that everything is a charade.
Or, as observed in Hermansson and Wenander (1987:113) one year after the murder:
"Is the EAP with its entire superstructure and all its affiliated bodies the projection of a single man's ideas, perseverance and virtually unique organizational talent? Or is also Lyndon LaRouche an instrument for others, such as with regard to the hate propaganda against Palme? If so, one can assume it is deliberate and certainly with good payment".
Troublemaker on the Left
Lyndon LaRouche (born 1922) was originally Lynn Marcus from New Hampshire, a veteran of 30 years of factional fighting on the American left who in the sixties had been trying to establish a "Fifth International" to replace the Trotskyite “Fourth International". In the early seventies, as LaRouche, he started the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC), which became a rather large political movement within the Democratic Party (King 1989: ixff).
Later, he also established the International Caucus of Labor Committees (ICLC), which included some rather special labour parties in Canada and Latin America (King 1989:166).
The NCLC was initially involved in a strong and violent conflict with other organizations on the left in the United States. The organization conducted its own "Operation Mop-Up" and later mobilized a "Revolutionary Youth Movement" to attack competing communist, socialist, and trade union movements, all the time based on the claim that the opponents wanted to eliminate the NCLC (Wikipedia 2011b).
This alone represents a foundation for some hypotheses. Lynn Marcus may have been a provocateur or intelligence agent deployed to collect information about the American Left and to cause confusion and division within it. The establishment of "European Labour Committees" fits well with the CIA's European strategy from the fifties and parts of the sixties when it was considered important to influence the European trade union movement. This pattern was repeated in the seventies when the aim was to influence or preferably infiltrate the New Left. In Italy, operations in this period included active infiltration of the left-side extremist movements with the direct purpose of turning them into terrorists.
EAP from the beginning in Sweden
The EAP was first established in Sweden under the name European Labour Committees (ELC), by two of LaRouche's younger colleagues, William "Bill" Jones and Michael Vale. Bill Jones had lived in Sweden since 1968 and was among the many Vietnam deserters who had found a refuge in Sweden (Wikipedia 2011a).
Bill Jones was one of the later ELC members who in 1969 were excluded from the Deserter Committee in Sweden for provocative and divisive behaviour. For example, he claimed that the Black Power movement was racist. As a consequence, the Stockholm daily Aftonbladet hinted as early as 2 August, 1976, that the EAP was established in Sweden by the CIA to defame the Vietnam deserters as left extremists. Sweden was among the few Western countries that accepted deserters, and it was very disturbing for the US that they could speak publicly about their experiences from this free haven.
CIA defector Philip Agee said in a 1975 interview in connection with the launch of the Swedish edition of his book "Inside the CIA" (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:116):
"The NLCC is a rightist cover organization. That it now has expanded to Europe fits into the pattern of a normal CIA operation."
Committees were also established in Denmark, West Germany, Italy and France. In addition, the ICLC had branches in Canada, Mexico, Columbia and Peru (King 1989: xiv).
In 1976, the Swedish committee was converted to a political party, the European Labour Party, aiming to become the only communist mass party in Sweden. Also the other committees were converted to parties and united under the name of the European Labor Party (ELP) with headquarters in Wiesbaden in West Germany (Wikipedia Sweden 2011).
In order not to complicate more than necessary, we will below use the Swedish and German acronym EAP for ELP and its predecessor ELC unless it is necessary to be more specific.
The EAP criticized Rockefeller, Kissinger and the CIA, making them responsible for all the world's problems. It claimed that the drug trafficking in the world was governed by the British royal family. Leading socialists like Olof Palme, Bruno Kreisky, Mário Soares, and François Mitterrand were allegedly war criminals paid by the CIA (Wikipedia Sweden 2011).
The small EAP circle in Sweden was very active and at once started to persecute Olof Palme at meetings and at his press conferences. Gradually, the EAP also directed its attacks against the Swedish Vietnam protest movements and Allende's socialist government in Chile (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:114 ff).
In 1985, when the campaign against Palme was at its most intense, the inner core of the EAP in Sweden consisted of no more 15 people. It was led by Kerstin Gaddy (born Tegin), then married to Clifford Gaddy who was regarded as the true leader. Michael Ericsson was the Swedish EAP’s spokesperson in the period after the murder when media made a series of accusations against the EAP (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:114).
The GK report described various features of the EAP and recounted the interrogations of Michael Ericsson, Kerstin Gaddy, and Clifford Gaddy. The two latter were also questioned in the US after they moved there shortly after the assassination.
From left to right
1977, two years after Agee's statement that the LaRouche movement fit into the pattern of a CIA operation, LaRouche declared openly that the EAP until then had followed a leftist line for tactical reasons only. In reality, the EAP was right-oriented and supported a capitalist development (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:120). This indeed suggests that he in reality was an infiltrator and intelligence agent.
The Swedish EAP shifted from being strongly pro-Soviet to work for a society after the American model, but continued with a very aggressive smear campaign against Olof Palme who now allegedly was paid by the KGB - the Russian secret service (Wikipedia Sweden 2011).
Thus, the vicious attacks on Palme continued unabated despite the alleged political transformation. The difference was that Palme was portrayed as one of the KGB's leading agents of influence in the West, instead as previously alleged a CIA agent.
The EAP's level of activity and resources were the same regardless of left or right profile. Its few activists in Sweden ran the Association for Nuclear Power Development (Föreningen för kärnkraftens utveckling - FKU), the Anti-Drug Coalition (Antidrogkoalitionen - ADK), Club of Life, and the Schiller Institute, that all were subsidiaries of LaRouche organizations in the United States and West Germany.
One of the world's leading intelligence services
All EAP parties had departments for participation in elections, propaganda, fundraising, and intelligence. They had also covert activities and bank accounts that could be used to transfer money from the US.
Intelligence was an important part of business. EAP people worked to make contacts with national intelligence agencies to exchange information. The contacts were, as we shall see, very close in the United States and West Germany.
All were gathered in the European intelligence centre in Wiesbaden, for processing and forwarding to the organization's intelligence magazine Executive Intelligence Review (EIR) (King 1989:166).
Norman Bailey, Senior Director of International Economic Affairs at the NSC in the White House from 1981 to 1983, described the year before Palme was assassinated La Rouche's organization as "one of the best private intelligence services in the world". (Washington Post 1985).
Palme was persona non grata at the White House for at least fifteen years. In 1985, Washington Post quoted unnamed government sources and former members of the LaRouche movement:
”The LaRouche organization has assembled a worldwide network of contacts in governments and in military agencies who meet regularly and swap information with them. In Washington, the LaRouche group has spent the last several years currying favor with officials of the NSC, CIA, Defense Intelligence Agency, Drug Enforcement Administration, the military and numerous other agencies, as well as with defense scientists doing classified research.”
Sources within the LaRouche movement as well as the NSC and the CIA also revealed that the
”LaRouche outfit has had more than 100 intelligence operatives working for it at times, and copies the government in its information-gathering operation”.
EAP in Germany
EAP defectors have stated that the EAP leaders in West Germany in the early 70's were in contact with Reinhard Gehlen, Hitler's Chief of Intelligence on the Eastern Front, who after the war went into to the service of the CIA with his entire organization, which later became the German intelligence service BND (King 1989:166).
Not surprisingly, Willy Brandt became the prime target in West Germany, together with the leader of Die Grünen, Petra Kelly. Brandt, who still played an important political role even after he resigned as Chancellor in 1974, was portrayed as a Nazi, and Kelly as a Communist. The attacks against them were so strong that questions were asked in the Bundestag about why the Government and its security service Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (BfV) did not consider the organization a security risk.
It turned out that the BfV had discontinued the surveillance of the EAP in 1977, when LaRouche announced his repositioning from left to right (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:117 ff, King 1989:167).
The most striking aspect, however, was that the EAP's German Secretary General Anno Hallenbroich was the brother of the BfV's top director Heribert Hallenbroich. When the latter was appointed head of counter-intelligence in the BFV in 1975, his brother was already one of the leaders in the German EAP as well as the publisher of Neue Solidarität. This first became publicly known through an article in the German weekly Bild-Zeitung 17 February, 1985. The article pointed to the "piquant" in that the older brother Heribert (46) for a long time had been monitoring an organization at the edge of being anti-constitutional and led by his younger brother Anno (36) (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:171-172 ).
Bild-Zeitung described in detail Heribert Hallenbroich's career in the BfV. He was a lawyer and member of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), and had since he started in the BfV in 1966 worked in all its departments. He underwent NATO training in Rome for the employees of Western security and intelligence services, and was appointed head of counter-espionage in 1975. He was appointed Vice President in 1981 and President in 1983.
In 1985 Hallenbroich, then 48, was appointed head of the German intelligence service Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND), but a month later, he was forced to resign because Hans-Joachim Tiedge, one of the leaders of the BfV's Department for Counter-Espionage, was exposed as a spy (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:172).
In 1984, Anno Hallenbroich was one of two editors of the intelligence journal EIR. This was one year after his brother Heribert had been appointed President of the BfV. When Heribert left the BND, he became one of the leaders in a private security company that sold bodyguard services and protection against industrial espionage. (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:172). The former chief of the Swedish security service Säpo, P G Vinge, did the same after he had been sacked by Palme. This kind of private security companies are important building blocks in the parallel systems of intelligence services all over the world.
Brothers on the same team - with the CIA
In reality, the connection between these brothers is far more than "piquant". In many common situations, one can live with the argument that one brother is not responsible for the other brother's business. However, such tolerance is impossible within the secret services.
Germany is a member of NATO and subject to NATO's rules for security clearance of personnel within the state administration and other parts of society when necessary for the security authorities.
Because of the division of Germany after WWII, West Germany was strongly exposed to espionage from the east. Naturalized East Germans with family still in East Germany were often pressured into spying for the Soviet bloc. In addition, of course, there were all the spies who were sent into West Germany.
In a series of major espionage cases in West Germany, key people in the secret services as well as advisers and secretaries to top politicians were exposed as spies. Even the first chief of the BfV, Otto John, and later head of counter-espionage in the BND Heinz Felfe, were exposed in 1955 and 1961, respectively, as Russian spies. Willy Brandt had to resign as Chancellor when his adviser Günter Guillaume in 1974 was revealed as a spy for the East German intelligence service Stasi. And the spy Margarete Hoke was an employee of the West German Federal President's office for 26 years before she was exposed in 1985.
We must therefore assume that the German authorities also based on their own espionage experiences set very strict requirements for security clearance for personnel within the secret services, and in particular within counter-espionage (exposing foreign spies).
Heribert Hallenbroich joined the BfV in 1966, and advanced gradually until he in 1975 became Chief of Counter-Espionage. His brother Anno was in 1975 already busy with the EAP's operations in Germany, targeted at the Social Democrats in Germany and Palme in Sweden. Two years later, in 1977, the BfV allegedly stopped its surveillance of the EAP.
NATO rules, and even more West Germany's own rules, require that all who handle secret information must be subject to a thorough security check that includes close family members. Anno was from early on a part of a global and supposedly private intelligence service that even published intelligence information in its own journal, and until 1977 presented itself as Communist. Simply this was more than enough for denying Heribert security clearance. Nevertheless, in 1975, Heribert was appointed Chief of BfVs counterintelligence. As such, he should have exposed his brother.
Anno later became Chief of the EAP's intelligence service in Germany and editor of the EIR. That would normally have required revoking Heribert's security clearance, and he would have been unable to work in any secret service any more.
When Heribert to the contrary was appointed Head of the BfV as well as the BND, it can only mean that they as well as their superior West German authorities trusted the entire LaRouche system fully and considered it an allied intelligence service. It seems obvious that Anno Hallenbroich from the beginning was not only an agent for the CIA via LaRouche, but also for his brother in the BfV.
CIA's Deputy Director Ray Cline (1962-66) was from WWII a part of the so-called China lobby, consisting of US intelligence people (see below). After his tenure as Deputy Director, he was appointed 1966-69 to a specially designed position at the Bonn embassy, which in reality was as the CIA's Station Chief. It is likely that it was because of Cline's intelligence planning in West Germany that LaRouche established the EAP in the country, and that the Hallenbroich brothers got their magnificent intelligence careers.
The BfV and the BND have always been close collaborators of the Swedish security police (Säpo), but Säpo has before as well as after the assassination appeared as if it did not understand anything about why the EAP conducted its campaigns against Prime Minister Palme.
That's not credible.
Attacked Palme on six lines
Leopold Report has undertaken the basic analysis that the GK didn’t find in the police investigation, and discovered how the strong attacks on Palme were channelled from the LaRouche leadership in the US along at least six different parallel lines within the EAP Network:
1. The EAP in Sweden.
2. The Schiller Institute.
3. The Executive Intelligence Review (EIR).
4. The Anti-Drug Coalition (ADK).
5. Disinformation, picketing, and other actions against Palme during his travels abroad, carried out by local and Swedish LaRouche members or supporters.
6. Alf Enerström.
It must be unique in a global context that such strong actions and efforts by a so-called "private organization” in the United States - that must have cost big money and demanded a large network of contacts as well as extensive planning and travel activities over a long time (more than 10 years) - has been directed against one individual in a foreign country.
EAP in Sweden
In the beginning, the EAP distributed a message that Palme was a tool for big business and the CIA and was about to create a "fascism with a human appearance." The message was first spread by a magazine called New Solidarity, later (in Swedish) Ny Solidaritet (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:1123 ff).
In autumn of 1975, the EAP for the first time reached out to a wider audience with an article in the Swedish daily Dagens Nyheter where Palme was portrayed as an insane fascist (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:116).
In 1975, Ny Solidaritet published a voluminous smear publication against Palme and his dictatorial government. The message appealed to the radical left as well as the radical right. This suggests great insight into psychological warfare and how propaganda should be conducted.
In 1985, the EAP published the booklet Who Is Olof Palme? that was an unambiguous attack from the right. It had an apparently academic approach and left the impression of being based on analytical studies.
The EAP also conducted many street actions as well as book table actions, that is, sale of books and other anti-Palme material as well as distribution of anti-Palme leaflets and pamphlets. These occasions were also used for fundraising and recruitment as well as collecting signatures on anti-Palme petitions. EAP members also demonstrated for no particular reason outside Palme's home at Västerlånggatan in Stockholm.
After the murder, one of the first reactions from Palme's wife Lisbet was that it must have been carried out by the Palme-hating EAP people.
A close associate of Palme said Palme was aware of the EAP and that he did not underestimate possible dangerous effects of the EAP propaganda, especially in relation to young, naïve people. Another claimed that Palme was afraid of the EAP (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:127).
Ten months after the murder, Forest Fick, one of LaRouche's intelligence agents, said that he had heard LaRouche saying that Palme was a traitor to the United States that should be shot (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:127). In the Soviet press, LaRouche was considered a primary suspect (King 1989:186).
After a series of requests from Sweden about the suspicions against EAP individuals, the FBI seized a number of handwritten documents in LaRouche's headquarters. The documents revealed a detailed survey of people close to Palme (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:111). LaRouche claimed that it was the KGB who had inspired the FBI to these actions (King 1989:186).
This contribution from the FBI was largely old news and not particularly helpful for the investigators with regard to the totality of the LaRouche operations against Palme. Once again, we see that the FBI rather protects than investigates disinformants in connection with the Palme murder.
Before the murder, the EAP’s role was primarily discrediting, dispersing disinformation, and conducting psychological warfare. The EAP pursued Palme almost everywhere, making him nervous and afraid. The intention was to defame him in the public eye and/or make him so stressed out that he committed errors that simply could cause his resignation.
After the murder the EAP dispersed disinformation in the shape of apparently thorough investigations to show that the KGB was behind the assassination, just like the CIA did in Stockholm from Day One in cooperation with the security service Säpo (bugging the Kurds and a Soviet Embassy staff member).
The interesting aspect is that the EAP also by itself represented an unsuccessful lead for the murder investigation. EAP hands, such as Forest Fick, made conscious efforts to magnify the suspicion.
This was a most ingenious disinformation operation that by simple means made use of the EAP's history of hostility against Palme to inflate the suspicions against the EAP as responsible for the murder. This was quite safe, because they knew the lead would take the investigators nowhere, since the murder had been committed by others, and the police focused only at the murder scene. In parallel, the EAP promoted the KGB as its own red herring.
The result was that the Palme investigation was led astray in several directions and spent large resources on hopeless investigation of a confusing material. It did not help that the investigators lacked sufficient experience and historical knowledge of psychological warfare and low intensity warfare.
The EAP therefore represented another, double disinformation lead after it had been a central factor in the pre-murder campaign to try to remove Palme by less dramatic means.
The Schiller Institute
Wikipedia (2011d) describes the Schiller Institute as ”an international political and economic think-tank, one of the primary organizations of the LaRouche movement, with headquarters in Germany and the United States”, and observes: “LaRouche's writings are featured prominently in Schiller Institute communications, and he is the keynote speaker at most Schiller Institute conferences.”
In a La Rouche-biography on the Institute's website (Schiller Institute 2011) it is stated:
”It is his work and his ideas that inspired the creation of the international Schiller Institute, as well as his intellectual and moral leadership that continue to set the standard for the policies and activity of the movement.”
The Institute's headquarters was established in Wiesbaden in 1984 in connection with a conference led by LaRouche's German-born wife, Helga Zepp-LaRouche (Wikipedia 2011d). The institution was (and is) a seemingly cultural and intellectual research institution interested in defence and security policy. Hence, it was able to make broader contacts, but in reality, it was a propaganda organization and part of LaRoche's intelligence service.
The Palme investigators paid considerable attention to the Schiller Institute immediately after the assassination of Olof Palme at 28 February, 1986. The Institute's activities in relation to Sweden and Palme had focused mainly on the alleged Soviet submarines and the immediate as well as the long-term threat that these activities represented against Sweden. The conclusion from the Schiller Institute was quite simply that Sweden more or less immediately should join NATO to protect itself against a Soviet invasion.
Some of the attention was due to a major meeting hosted by the Schiller Institute in Stockholm at 6 March, 1986, a week after the assassination of Olof Palme.
It was also noted that the Institute’s Stockholm department had a permit for demonstrations in the Hallunda centre in Stockholm county on all Fridays in February, 1986, at 9.00 - 18.00 (GK 1999:513). Thus, the Schiller Institute directed quite strong attacks against Palme in the last month before Palme's death, and the first week afterwards.
According to Lorscheid and Müller (1986:151), the then recently retired German Rear Admiral Dr. Eberhard Noodt, former Chief of Staff at NATO Headquarters in Northern Europe at Kolsås outside Oslo in Norway, attended the meeting.
The Schiller Institute was founded by LaRouche in Virginia in early July, 1984. On that occasion, the lawyer Lennart Hane was invited as a delegate from Sweden (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:23-24). He met with LaRouche in the US several times, and was later included in an international legal commission to show that the charges against LaRouche regarding tax evasion and economical crime (see below) was a legal travesty. Hane was also EAP's contact man with Medborgarrättsrörelsen (the Civil Rights Movement) (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:179) and board member of Svensk-Chilenska Sällskapet (the Swedish-Chilean Society).
In the Civil Rights Movement, he worked with Vice Admiral Per Rudberg, who was Sweden’s naval chief during the submarine hunt in Hårsfjärden near Stockholm (Nilsson 2000:305). He was also known as one of the speakers at the so-called "gentlemen's dinners" hosted by the politically extreme police officers in the period 1982-84 in Stockholm near Palme's home, and under surveillance by the security police Säpo (Nilsson 2000:258).
Hane also had a close relationship to the lawyer Ulf Hamacher (Nilsson 2000:278). He was the former chairman of the Sveriges Nationella Förbund (the Swedish National Association), one of the oldest Nazi organizations in Sweden. He was also chairman of Svensk-Chilenska Sällskapet. He had lived for a period in Chile and was decorated by the Pinochet junta. He also knew the first murder suspect Victor Gunnarsson (GK 1999:540).
Most of these people and organizations were considered relevant in connection with the operations against Palme. Many of them were interrogated by the police investigators. We will in later articles take a separate look at these people and organizations and show that they in the same way as the EAP had their own connection lines to the parallel systems in the US and also were connected to the operations against Palme.
In 1972, Hane published the book Smygande diktatur (Creeping dictatorship), in which he analyzed how legislation was used to promote the totalitarian socialist state (Nilsson 2000:198). In 1977, he published Högerspöket (the Phantom at the Right) that was reviewed positively in the Contra journal, published by the organization of the same name. Here Hane’s voice was among those starting “the new wave of rightist literature". He wrote in 1980 at least one article on this subject in Contra (Nilsson 2000:190).
Hane was a frequent contributor to the radical right journal Operation Sverige. In #3 for 1972, he claimed that the Palme government used the Swedish state radio and television as a propaganda tool and argued that the Soviet Union could intervene and occupy Sweden rather soon (Nilsson 2000:270). In #5-6 for1973, he asked whether the Palme government planned to implement a communist dictatorship by legislation and demanded that "the power crazy Palme government must go". In #7-8 for 1974, he argued that the Swedish legal system began to resemble the Nazi system (Nilsson 2000:274).
Hane was one of the many on the Swedish extreme right who hosted meetings and gave lectures for the Nazi policemen in the Norrmalm police district in Central Stockholm. They meetings were organized by Police Inspector Stellan Åkerbring who had a background in Demokratisk Allians (the Democratic Alliance) (Nilsson 2000:258). Hence, Hane had an impressive network within the Swedish radical right.
Executive Intelligence Review (EIR)
The EIR was a journal that gathered and published information from the LaRouche movement's intelligence service and converted it into propaganda and disinformation. Shortly after the murder (October, 1986), the EIR produced a 100-page report on the Palme murder: A Classical KGB Desinformation Campaign (Who Killed Olof Palme) (EIR 1986).
It was very impressive that LaRouche had solved the murder only months after it had been committed, and reached the same conclusion as the CIA in Stockholm had from day one: That Moscow and the KGB were behind the murder.
The report's publisher and responsible editor was none other than Anno Hallenbroich, brother of the former top BfV director Heribert Hallenbroich. That this was pure disinformation is obvious from what we know today. Yet, it is very interesting that LaRouche in reality confirmed it ten years later on the first page in a new EIR report (EIR 1996) (that we will return to below):
"From the very outset, an ambitious international disinformation campaign was carried out, involving such ‘strange bedfellows’ as the Soviet KGB, the East German State Security Service (‘Stasi’), the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith (ADL), and NBC-TV, to deter honest Swedish investigators from pursuing promising trails of evidence."
Here, LaRouche points the finger directly at himself and his superiors.
Another example of the EIR’s disinformation was the re-publication of the book Dope Inc (EIR 1992). The book was written by the EIR's editors and published by the EIR.
This edition, which is a mixture of facts and disinformation about drug trafficking throughout the world, included a special supplement about the murder of Olof Palme, as if Palme had something to do with “Dope Inc”. Here, LaRouche again denied having anything to do with the murder, and again claimed that it was the KGB (EIR 1992:630 ff).
The book got a lot of attention in the US, as it was published at the time of the national campaign "War on Drugs" that involved many parts of the US government.
The book is an example that LaRouche also six years after the murder was used to spread disinformation about the Palme assassination.
The Anti-Drug Coalition
Antidrogkoalitionen (ADK) was the Swedish chapter of the Anti-Drug Coalition, which was part of the American LaRouche organization, established in 1979 (SOU 2002:91:276).
In Sweden, ADK assigned Palme the role of
"Swedish Board member of the multinational Dope Inc., a secretive crime syndicate that [according to ADK] control the world drug trade and also supports mild drug legislation" (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:119).
EAP conducted its actions against Palme far beyond Sweden's borders.
At 18 June, 1975, the EAP's official German journal Neue Solidaritet published an article about Palme entitled "Palme: Des Teufels Beelzebub" (Palme: The Devil’s Beelzebub) with a caricature of him (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:108-109).
Palme was often persecuted by the EAP during his travels abroad, with picketing and other actions in connection with his meetings, in front of his hotels, and on one occasion outside the residence of the Swedish UN Ambassador Anders Ferm in New York when Palme stayed there (GK 1999:514). This shows that there was a close collaboration between the different EAP organizations in several countries. Substantial resources must have been spent on the Swedish participants for airline tickets, equipment, housing etc. This must have been operations directed by the main office, that is, LaRouche's intelligence organization.
Alf Enerström was one of the leading Palme haters who, according to his own statements, helped to finance the EAP in Sweden (GK 1999:516, Nilsson 2000:284), but in public he played a more withdrawn role in the EAP’s activities. Rather, he conducted his own long-term and costly campaign against Palme, as he claimed for personal reasons. He was also the leader of a small self-appointed Palme opposition within the Social Democratic Party (GK 1999:546).
Enerström’s main activity was to distribute publications and insert newspaper ads against Palme and his policies, in very offensive terms. With few exceptions, all the newspapers accepted his ads. These costly activities were according to Enerström himself as well as the police investigators financed in various ways. It is i. a. known that he received money from the Swedish Employers Association (SAF) and the Wallenberg family. In addition, it is believed that certain prominent Swedes raised funds from Swedes abroad. In a program on Swedish television, Enerström said he had received much financial support, even cash from all over Europe, and showed a letter that apparently proved that he had received money in foreign currency (GK 1999:545-550).
Sending cash in letters is of course an excellent way for intelligence services to finance activities but still keep the distance. This is routine for CIA stations around the world.
Like Anders Hane and the Schiller Institute, Enerström used the organization and magazine Contra as one of his channels for harassing Olof Palme. For example, an interview with him in Contra #3/1983 had the headline: "Alf Enerström: Palme in the service of the Soviet Union" (Nilsson 2000:283).
Contra was a strange magazine that on the one hand conducted a sophisticated defence of liberal market economy, but on the other hand defended brown dictatorships, quasi-racism and socio-biology, and used a highly offensive language to characterize political opponents. It continuously directed numerous crude and vicious personal attacks on Olof Palme, illustrated with grotesque drawings and caricatures. Contra became the favoured journal for a number of people in the surroundings of WACL (the World Anti-Communist League), the EAP, and other related organizations. Some of them also were board members.
Contra had its roots in the organization Democratic Alliance (DA), an action group in support of the US involvement in Vietnam that also attacked Palme. The DA had strong relations to WACL (Hermansson and Wenander 1987, Nilsson 2000). Contra, DA, and WACL in Sweden played their own separate roles in connection with the Palme murder. These will be discussed in subsequent articles.
The Palme murder investigators paid much attention to Enerström, starting already the first day after the murder. Early on, Enerström's neighbours in Värmland claimed that he at 18:00 the day after the murder had had a conversation with a stranger in an unknown car. (This by itself irrelevant information apparently was meant to suggest a possible contact with operatives from an assassination team.)
Another source had heard Enerström say at a meeting shortly before Christmas 1985, "I will depose Palme faster than you would believe", and "The day we have removed him, the Social Democrats will choose us" (GK 1999:546). However, since Enerström seemed to have an alibi for the night of the murder, he was (temporarily) discarded as a suspect in April, 1986.
However, he again attracted the investigators’ interest in May the same year, mainly because of his own statements. He was reported to have expressed satisfaction that "now he lies there, he who took my son from me" (this refers to a child custody case that was processed locally). In connection with a neighbourhood quarrel, Enerström wrote a letter to the local police in May, 1987, stating that, "Palme signed his death warrant when he took my son", that he for a long time had understood that Palme must be removed, that it was God who had taken him, etc (GK 1999:547).
All circumstances around Enerström were re-examined by the police, but without success. As a consequence of Enerström’s actions and statements, new information was received in 1991, 1992, 1994, 1995, but further interrogation led to nowhere.
Enerström was a medical doctor and no fool. Of course he didn’t think that Palme personally had anything to do with the child custody case. What Enerström did as an individual appears as a copy of what the EAP did as an organization. First, he conducted psychological warfare against the living Palme. After the murder, he contributed to reinforce the suspicion against himself by inflammatory statements that he expected would reach the investigators. In this way, he revitalized his own disinformation leads several years after the assassination, aware that it would not be of any help, but disturb and steal time from the murder investigation.
After working with Enerström’s possible role in the Palme murder for more than a decade, the police investigators drew the following conclusion (GK 1999:550):
"If you believe in a conspiracy behind the assassination, there is still plenty to dig into with regard to Enerström."
Victor Gunnarsson, also known as “the 33-year-old”, has always been among the main suspects in the Palme murder, either as perpetrator or as a participant in a conspiracy. He was taken in for questioning a week after the assassination, but was released after four days. A week later he was arrested "on reasonable suspicion of having murdered Sweden’s Prime Minister Olof Palme". When his apartment was searched, the police i. a. found anti-Palme material from the EAP (GK 1999:552, Nilsson 2001:60). Two weeks later, on 19 March, 1986, he was released against the advice of the investigators. On 16 May, the prosecutors closed the formal investigation of Gunnarsson, but the police continued to follow him for two years, and was given permission to tap his telephone.
After the District Court convicted Christer Pettersson for the murder at 2 August, 1989, the police investigators closed the case against Victor Gunnarsson. (The verdict was later annulled by the Supreme Court that acquitted Pettersson for lack of evidence.)
Late in the summer of 1993, Gunnarsson moved back to the United States, where he had lived before. Surprisingly, in view of the strict US immigration rules, he was given a residence permit, even though he lacked financial security and had been a suspect in a prime minister murder case. He was himself murdered in Salisbury, North Carolina, the night of 4 December, 1993, in what was then described as a drama of jealousy.
Gunnarsson was from 1984 a member of the EAP in Sweden (Svenska Dagbladet 1986) and participated in some protest actions against Palme. But the EAP's spokesman Michael Ericsson in a press conference shortly after Gunnarsson’s arrest said that he simply had been deleted as a member in 1985, due to his extraordinary behaviour (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:106, 110).
Any closer connection from Gunnarsson to LaRouche has never been discovered, but it is not hard to find indirect relationships. Yet, in this context, we don’t count him in as a separate line from Sweden to LaRouche.
We think Victor Gunnarsson played an important role in the assassination of Olof Palme, before, during, as well as after the murder (albeit with other principals than the EAP). He lived in the United States in several periods. In connection with the suspicion against him, his former wife told the Swedish newspaper Aftonbladet that he in the United States acted as a fanatical anti-communist and Palme hater, and that he thought Palme intended to incorporate Sweden in the Soviet Union. (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:107). We will return to him in a later article.
The lines meet in the US
We conclude that the LaRouche organization in the United States directed its personal attacks against Palme along six lines by using different methods. The entire campaign can be traced back to LaRouche and his various organizations in the United States.
Who was behind LaRouche?
The next big question is: Who was behind LaRouche in the US? Although there is evidence to suggest that LaRouche already in the sixties cooperated with US intelligence agencies, his entire movement’s visible relationship to the CIA became much stronger in 1977, when he announced his turnaround from left to right.
A part of the background for this may have been that a former CIA agent, Roy Everett Frankhouser from Reading, Pennsylvania, in 1974 started establishing contacts with local and eventually central LaRouche representatives. He presented himself as a CIA agent from the Bay of Pigs who had risked his life in loyal service to national security, but had been betrayed by his clients because he knew too much about the cover-up and corruption (King 1989:197 ff). Frankhouser was a Christian fundamentalist, Nazi, racist, and at one time leader of the Pennsylvania Department of the Ku Klux Klan.
Frankhouser repeatedly delivered secret letters from a Mister Ed, said to be highly placed within the CIA. Mister Ed allegedly had asked Frankhouser to open a channel from the CIA to LaRouche, since it was impressed with LaRouche’s knowledge about terrorism.
Even then CIA Director, later president, George Bush, was very impressed with LaRouche. Mister Ed allegedly also warned LaRouche that he was threatened by German terrorists. This was also allegedly why LaRouche followed Frankhouser’s advice to contact Mitchell WerBell who Frankhouser claimed was a colleague from the CIA (King 1989:199 ff).
Frankhouser was himself recruited to LaRouche's main American organization NCLC in 1984 along with two other people from Reading, Pennsylvania, who allegedly also were CIA agents (King 1989:195).
LaRouche and WerBell
WerBell’s relationship to the CIA was described by Major General John Singlaub in a television interview in 1979 (King 1989:192):
“Wherever Mitch [WerBell] has operated it’s [...] been either as a contract employee or with the knowledge of the local CIA, even if they couldn’t officially support it.”
It is known that WerBell hosted a series of secret meetings between LaRouche and his people and personnel from the CIA, at his own estate in Powder Springs, Ga., as well as in a "safe house" near Washington (King 1989:190).
In Georgia, WerBell established Cobray International Counter Terrorism Training School, where selected members of LaRouche's main organization NCLC underwent military training. WerBell himself said that he had trained 300 LaRouche's followers in the use of firearms and self defence. American television showed a film about the LaRouche people being trained by WerBell. Having met and been trained by WerBell was perceived as high status.
In 1978, the FBI received information that LaRouche at a meeting in the EAP's German headquarters in Wiesbaden had talked about killing President Jimmy Carter and his national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski. LaRouche was like the rest of the right-wingers enraged by Carter's appeasement policy and his constraints on the CIA. Yet, the FBI did not do anything about it. No one even thought about withdrawing the Secret Service’s standing accreditation that LaRouche and his people had at the White House (King 1989:192 ff).
This suggests that neither the CIA nor the FBI took the threats seriously. Probably, this was part of the usual charade intended to give the impression that the LaRouche movement was not serious and could not have anything to do with the CIA. But in reality, its cooperation with the CIA as well as the NSC grew even stronger.
LaRouche in the Reagan period
In 1985, Washington Post pointed out that:
”the LaRouche group stepped up its presence in Washington about 1981, when President Reagan took office, and it has publicly promoted many of his initiatives in its publications and on Capitol Hill”.
The owner of the "private" intelligence service EAP, LaRouche, was no stranger to President Ronald Reagan. In 1980, they were both presidential candidates. The picture below is from a discussion between them during the campaign:
This photo was printed in the LaRouche movement's official German journal Neue Solidarität 6 March, 1986, six days after Palme was shot, in connection with an article in which he boasted of his own as well as Reagan's efforts against the Soviet Union (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:62).
Several sources in the Reagan administration described the contacts as useful, and said that LaRouche backed up much of Reagan's policies, as he had done in the election campaign. It can hardly be described more clearly that LaRouche's intelligence service worked for the Reagan administration and the US intelligence agencies - even if it also worked for itself.
LaRouche's Science Adviser Steven Bardwell took personally part in a series of meetings with NSC staff. However, he felt the cooperation went too far, and defected from the NCLC in 1984. Prior to that, he wrote in an internal memo (King 1989:195):
”[..] our NSA/CIA/DIA ’connections’ acquired a powerful hold over us. We now began to bend our polemics, public statements, intelligence tasks, and terms of reference to suit our newly acquired clients.”
Thus, Bardwell suggested that the LaRouche movement had been effectively taken over by the CIA. In this case, the CIA had caught a fat fish. It was an organization with a budget of many millions of dollars for its intelligence and propaganda network (King 1989:203).
The Washington Post (1985) also quoted several sources, including individuals within the administration that spoke openly under their own names, who distanced themselves strongly from LaRouche and all his contacts in Washington. This is typical of the organization's systematic dualism, which the magazine describes as follows:
”It may seem far-fetched that a group that says that Walter F. Mondale is a Soviet secret police ‘agent of influence’ and that the queen of England is involved in international dope-dealing could be ‘useful’ to top federal government officials.”
However, this dualism has obviously helped to make the LaRouche movement in general and EAP in particular useful for the intelligence services during the Reagan administration. By branding the movement officially as extremist and unreliable, it could be portrayed as innocuous and kept at a distance in the public domain.
Norman Bailey, Senior Director of International Economic Affairs at the NSC from 1981 to 1983, told the Washington Post (1985) that LaRouche operatives could operate very freely and without risk that its actions would come back to the official US institutions.
LaRouche and General Singlaub
One of the first people WerBell involved in the LaRouche movement was his old friend John Singlaub, later head of World Anti-Communist League (WACL). He was introduced to LaRouche and his top people in 1977. Later, Singlaub was for years a regular lecturer at WerBell’s Cobra school. (Marshall et al 1987:66 ff, King 1989:190, Barry 1986:20).
Singlaub was very qualified for this. During WWII, he was involved in the so-called Jedburgh operations conducted by the CIA's forerunner OSS, sabotage operations behind German lines in France before and during the Allied invasion. These were carried out by a team of American, British and French intelligence agents. He also trained the French Resistance before the invasion. Singlaub’s immediate supervisor was the future CIA Director under President Reagan, William Casey, and one of his cohorts was William Colby, later CIA Director.
Towards the end of the war, Singlaub led guerrilla attacks against Japan using Chinese personnel (Singlaub 1991). He met Ray Cline, later CIA Deputy Director, for the first time while he served with the OSS in China.
In 1981, Singlaub founded the US Council for World Freedom (USCWF) that became the third American organization to join WACL (the World Anti-Communist League). He was also WACL’s top leader from 1983 to 1986. WACL's roots go i. a. back to the FPRI and its sister organization, the American Security Council (ASC), that we have presented in Part 5. WACL and its Swedish member organizations are of great importance in Operation Palme, but we shall return to this, not least in relation to the FPRI as one of WACL's protectors.
The retired General John Singlaub was also a key player in the NSC’s Iran-Contra operations. We shall get back to this, too.
LaRouche and the NSC
Norman Bailey, who said that LaRouche was "one of the best private intelligence services in the world", told the Washington Post (1985) that he soon after he joined the NSC was asked to speak to a group of LaRouche supporters who offered intelligence information. Bailey said that he
”soon after he joined the National Security Council received a call from NSC officials asking him to talk to a group of followers of LaRouche who were offering intelligence information. Bailey said he found the visitors' intelligence on economics and foreign affairs surprisingly on target.”
Bailey told the Washington Post that he also in the period 1982-83 met LaRouche supporters on several occasions in his office in the Executive Office Building, and that he also met with LaRouche three times. He said "some of them are quite good" and that he "found them to be useful because of their excellent international contacts."
Bailey was not the only one in the Reagan administration who worked with LaRouche and his people. LaRouche's Security Chief Jeff Steinberg was summoned to the NSC 8-10 times in the period June 1983 to June 1984 (King 1989:195).
LaRouche's EIR magazine had a reputation for being very well informed, especially during the Reagan period. In the spring of 1986, several months before the Iran-Contra affair was exposed, the EIR wrote about the NSC representative Michael Ledeen's visit to Israel in order to extend Israel's arms export program to "unknown allies", and predicted very accurately that a large scandal was emerging. This would involve the Reagan administration, Pentagon, Israel and its intelligence service Mossad, and even the Soviet Union because of the attempts to upgrade the Iranian Ayatollah Khomeini's military power (King 1989:161).
We think this was one of the strongest motives for the elimination of UN peace mediator Olof Palme. Even before the turn of the year 85-86, there was a risk that he would gain knowledge about the scandalous arms export program to both sides in the Iran-Iraq war and then report it to his superior, the UN Secretary General Perez de Cuellar. The interesting point is that the EAP through its magazine EIR could publish the information a few months before the story officially broke, but after Palme had been silenced - and involve Israel and the Soviet Union in the Iran project. This is evidence of the EAP’s good contacts.
LaRouche and the CIA
There were close contacts between LaRouche's national intelligence service NCLC and the CIA. Several people linked to the CIA as well as Pentagon confirmed the contacts with the NCLC to the International Herald Tribune 3-4 November, 1984 (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:170).
The main CIA liaison to the LaRouche organization seems to have been the CIA's Deputy Director (February 1981 - June 1982), Admiral Bobby Ray Inman, who previously had been head of the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI) 1974-76, Deputy Director for the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) in 1976 -77, and head of the National Security Agency (NSA) 1977-80.
Inman was also a long-standing personal friend of the Swedish Navy Commander Per Rudberg, who led the "unsuccessful" search for the "Russian submarines" (Tunander 2004:175). We will return to Inman, Rudberg and the submarine hunt.
Inman received a steady stream of intelligence from the NCLC, and had regular meetings with LaRouche and his wife Helga in a "safe house" in Washington. When Inman was about to leave the CIA in 1982, he arranged for LaRouche to be invited to the CIA headquarters in Langley to brief the assistants of his successor John McMahon (King, 1989:160, 195).
Inman often spoke confidentially with LaRouche's security chief Jeffrey Steinberg, who considered Inman his "rabbi" and hoped he would become the head of the CIA. This is according to Steinberg's employee Charles Tate who has stated that he received many calls from Inman to Steinberg and that he also personally had talked to Inman. Inman himself much later claimed that he was just trying to keep his tormentors at bay. This was obviously intended to show that he officially distanced himself from LaRouche (King, 1989:160, 195).
NCLC’s people also had a number of meetings with CIA's longtime counterintelligence chief James Jesus Angleton (King 1989:178 ff). From about 1984, the NCLC recruited around a dozen of intelligence agents from the CIA, Pentagon, etc., including the three from Reading, Pennsylvania, led by Frankhouser (King 1989:195).
Cover Name Schiller
The EAP’s activities in Germany as well as the reactions of German politicians are well described in the following two books: "Uppdrag Olof Palme" (“Mission Olof Palme”) (1987) by the award-winning journalists Håkan Hermansson and Lars Wenander, and "Deckname Schiller" (“Cover Name Schiller”) by the German journalists Helmut Lorscheid and Leo A. Müller that was published a little earlier, in December 1986. This book presented evidence that the CIA was behind the EAP and the Schiller Institute - hence the title.
Already in January 1984, more than two years before the assassination of Olof Palme, attention was directed at the EAP at political levels in Germany. A number of questions were asked in the German parliament (Bundestag), not least about the Schiller Institute's activities. In parallel to the harassment of Palme, the EAP directed similar attacks against the German Social Democrats, not least Willy Brandt, and even against politicians belonging to the party Die Grünen and certain other parties.
At 29 March, 1985, a group of parliamentarians, including some from Die Grünen, sent the German government fifteen written questions about the EAP and the organization's activities in Germany, as well as its relationship to US intelligence agencies. Question #9 was about the Secretary General of the German EAP, Anno Hallenbroich, and his brother who was the Head of the German security service Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (BfV, see above). The questions were answered in a long letter from the German government at 1 April, 1985, (Lorscheid and Müller 1985:168, see the beginning of the letter below.)
The entire letter can be read here.
The answers were evasive, which was not surprising, given the US intelligence services’ activities in West Germany from the capitulation onwards.
Klaus-Henning Rosen, who was head of Willy Brandt's office in the Bundestag from 1976 to 1989 and himself even proposed for the post of vice president of BFV, had said that "the EAP delivers systematic disinformation for a Western intelligence service" (Lorscheid and Müller 1986:163).
La Rouche and Colby
At one time early in 1980, the then CIA Director William Colby met with LaRouche, but Colby was not impressed by him (King 1989:194). This was probably also part of the two-tiered strategy to make use of LaRouche while officially holding him at a distance. Colby was a very important person in connection with the establishment of the so-called parallel system, and not least Stay Behind in many European countries, which we will return to in a later article.
Other customers and connections
Here are some other NCLC activities and connections that show where LaRouche's intelligence service belonged:
* Around 1984, the NCLC launched a major campaign reaching out to the Association of Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO), an organization of retired OSS/CIA people. The purpose was to recruit supporters and mobilize them politically, as well as fund-raising (King 1989:194).
* LaRouche defectors revealed that the EAP/NCLC intelligence service worked for the governments of South Africa, Iran (under the Shah), the Philippines (under Marcos), Iraq, Thailand, Taiwan and Argentina (during the Falklands War). Most of these countries were also CIA allies (Hermansson and Wenander 1987:116 ff).
* The NCLC helped the Republican Party with various forms of propaganda and "dirty tricks". For example, it was the NCLC that spread the false rumour that the Democratic presidential candidate in 1988, Michael Dukakis, had problems with his mental health (King 1989: x).
* Other NCLC/ICLC "customers" were Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega and the South African security service Bureau of State Security (BOSS) (King 1989: x).
The China Lobby
We have already seen that Mitchell WerBell, who was so instrumental in getting LaRouche close to the CIA, and Major General John Singlaub, who after a long military career and career in the CIA became leader of the WACL, both had participated in CIA operations in China. They served in the same place, in Kunming. There was also Ray S Cline, CIA Deputy Director for the period 1962-66, who had a close relationship with LaRouche.
Together with four others who came to play central roles in American intelligence and the parallel system, Richard Helms, E. Howard Hunt, Lucien Conein, and Paul Helliwell, they already in Kunming made up a group of tightly knit friends who also shared the same strong political opinions (Marshall et al1987: 64).
Richard Helms was CIA director 1966-1973 and played a key role in the 1973 coup in Chile (Prados 1986, Woodward 1987).
E. Howard Hunt stayed in the OSS and continued with lifelong service for the CIA. He was one of WACL’s founders. He is also known to have been one of the most important agents in the Watergate scandal and the CIA's failed invasion of the Bay of Pigs in Cuba in 1961.
Lucien Conein was Hunt's sidekick in the CIA 1954 coup in Guatemala and the establishment of WACL there.
Also Paul Helliwell was involved in the coup and the establishment of WACL.
A key contact for this network in the NSC in the White House was Oliver North, one of the principals behind the Iran-Contra scandal. North was generously decorated for his risky operations in Vietnam. In the early seventies, he was an activist and patriotic Vietnam veteran who i. a. wrote an article for the right-wing magazine National Review in defence of the US Vietnam commitment. The magazine’s editor William F. Buckley Jr. was so impressed that he let North appear in his TV show, and later introduced him to his friend E. Howard Hunt from "The China Lobby" (Maas 1984:20 ff). This way, North established an early connection with the network that later brought him to the NSC under Reagan.
The EAP a CIA subsidiary
It is quite clear that the LaRouche movement actually was a separate intelligence service that served as an operational subsidiary of the CIA's parallel system and was tailored and modified for special missions, while it also when necessary could be denounced. LaRouche with his entire organization was probably placed in the CIA's external parallel system near the China lobby by the former deputy director of the CIA, Ray Cline, after he officially had resigned.
Contrary to the impression given, the organization was closely integrated in the parallel system where the central individuals were well-known intelligence veterans, with many cross connections to other parts of the system, including communities with experts on psychological operations, such as the FPRI, where Possony was the foremost expert on psychological operations within naval intelligence (Beyondmkultra 2011).
Through his various organizations, as well as other tied-in people and organizations, LaRouche conducted spectacular campaigns of psychological warfare or low intensity warfare against Olof Palme along at least six parallel lines.
In our opinion, the CIA had already from the late sixties initiated an Operation Palme, an operation in which the LaRouche movement soon became a player. The CIA perceived Olof Palme as a threat, which was a reason why the Nixon administration downgraded the diplomatic relations to Sweden. Instead of an ambassador, the missions in both capitals were led by a chargé d‘affairs only.
During the Reagan administration in the eighties, the LaRouche movement was directly subordinated the NSC that ran the Iran-Contra operations. This shows who was responsible for the EAP's war against Olof Palme from 1981 until his death.
We wish to emphasize that not all the persons and institutions referred to here necessarily were involved in the planning and implementation of the assassination in Stockholm.
That the EAP lead as well as a number of other leads to the US and the CIA were so poorly investigated illustrates a serious shortcoming of the Palme investigation, next to naïvety and ignorance.Investigation of the murder of an internationally controversial statesman requires a competence that the Palme investigators through their shortcomings and mistakes proved they did not have.
Financial operations and economic fraud
Without providing detailed documentation here, it is well known that the CIA and other intelligence organizations, and especially their unofficial partners and organizations, need to find their own funding sources, since government funding was and is limited.
Funding was therefore a high priority for LaRouche and his NCLC, especially when the business grew during the Reagan period. The organization had a large staff that used many methods to solicit funds: Begging at airports and over the phone, selling reports to exorbitant prices, and taking loans from benevolent people who never got their money back. LaRouche, who was skilled in financial operations, maintained a network of firms and let money flow between them, in order to escape creditors and tax authorities (King 1989: xiff).
LaRouche and several of his employees were in the period 1986-88 prosecuted and convicted for credit card scams, credit fraud, and other economic crimes.
During the trial, LaRouche put up to his defence that he acted on the CIA's behalf to defend the national security, but this was denied by the CIA. Then he claimed that the CIA had been behind most of the accusations against him (King 1989:215).
It was hardly a coincidence that these legal actions against LaRouche began in late autumn 1986, half a year after the assassination of Olof Palme. Until then, LaRouche had since the sixties been virtually immune from criminal investigations.
During the weeks and months after the murder, there were growing suspicions against the EAP for involvement in the Palme murder, and Swedish authorities on numerous occasions requested the FBI to investigate LaRouche's US operations. Therefore, LaRouche's superiors had to take action to establish distance between the CIA and the EAP.
The FBI and the CIA also for their own sake wanted to appear helpful in the murder investigation and had no desire to be associated with the EAP's ten year’s hate campaign against him.
LaRouche stayed on the CIA team
As we already have seen, LaRouche and the EAP continued to play on the NSC/CIA team for several years after the murder. The EIR report that accused the KGB for the murder was released in October 1986, and the book "Dope Inc." that continued to point the finger at the KGB appeared as late as June 1992.
This shows that LaRouche had accepted that the legal action against him was a necessary part of the strategy, and realized that it also helped protect himself and his people in Sweden and Germany. The EAP risked nothing in Sweden as long as the investigation was not directed against the CIA.
LaRouche was apparently not entirely happy with these arrangements. In the summer of 1992, Executive Intelligence Review (EIR) published the book “George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography” (Tarpley and Chaitkin 1992), an uncouth biography of Bush and his family. The lead author Webster Griffin Tarpley was a central EAP employee in West Germany.
The Bush biography did not contain a word about Palme, but appeared at the same time as “Dope Inc.”, in which the KGB was accused of the murder of Palme. Hence, LaRouche continued to do his disinformation job from prison, even if he was angry at "the boss".
Support ended when Clinton took over
The Iran-Contra operations started to be exposed in late 1986. During the many years of investigation, led by Congress, the position of key figures in the scandal deteriorated. Eventually, many of them were given sentences varying from fines to imprisonment. Others were forced to leave the CIA or were reassigned.
In 1992, the Democrat Bill Clinton was elected president. Then, more of the Iran-Contra scandal connected people were removed, and none remained in key positions within the NSC. Thus, LaRouche could no longer be supported from the top, and was more or less left to himself.
It is on this background we must see the attack from LaRouche/EIR in the new 1996 report: "George Bush and the12333 serial murder ring."
At least half of this 86-page report was about the Palme murder, and the rest was to underpin the conclusion about who was guilty. The striking aspect of this report was - as the title indicates - that the EAP now accused George Bush and Margaret Thatcher for having been behind the assassination in Stockholm.
Thus, during the ten years between the first and second report, the EAP went from Moscow to Washington/London to find those responsible for the assassination of Olof Palme.
The report came eight years after the Swedish police investigators had discontinued all investigation of the CIA lead. It had therefore no bearing on the murder investigation in Stockholm and caused no media attention there. It was never published in Europe, as the 1986 report was, but attracted attention in the United States. Its primary target group was probably a limited group in the US that had been part of the conspiracy.
The fact is that much of the content of the report is "true disinformation" from a non-credible source - EIR/EAP. Also, the conclusions are based on false assumptions and facts. Hence, the information and conclusions cannot be used without a thorough investigation of LaRouche and his entire organization and putting the points of information into their proper contexts.
It is such an analysis of LaRouche's role that the Leopold Report has completed and presents in this article.
The 1996 report should therefore be seen as a threat to those who were behind the assassination - which LaRouche probably had understood in view of the EAP’s own role in "Operation Palme". The report may have been an attempt to signal that he could be even more bothersome unless they found a way to treat him better.
It is clear that the Swedish secret police Säpo did not want to see through the smokescreen, since there is no indication that Säpo presented any sensible analysis or took any action to pursue the CIA lead, to put the EAP's campaign in its proper relationship to the murder of Olof Palme.
The La Rouche movement is still very much alive, but now it mostly takes an interest in economic issues, including criticizing globalization and so on. It looks as if LaRouche partially has broken with his old allies and instead directs rather strong criticism at the FPRI and other known institutions in the parallel system.
We have made no attempt to investigate whether there are any present ties to the CIA, but found that in spite of the criticism, the LaRouche movement still has some connection to the FPRI.
This connection goes via one of the FPRI’s subsidiaries, the Middle East Forum, that we will return to in Part 7. The EIR's former editor Laurent Murawiec is a member of the Forum and listed among its experts. He was also a political analyst at the Rand Corporation (Citizendium 2011). Rand is well known for its comments to the so-called Russian submarine offensive in Swedish waters that we also will return to later.
It began with the FPRI and Vietnam
We all know that Olaf Palme in a variety of ways was deeply concerned with the US war in Vietnam by the end of the sixties, and that this caused many and strong reactions in the US. Later, Palme was also in practice the leader of the European resistance against the Vietnam War, and maintained contact with the War opposition in the US.
When we now can conclude that the EAP from the beginning was a tool for the CIA, it is interesting to look at the circumstances around the EAP's first establishment in Sweden. From around 1968, when the EAP supposedly was a Marxist-Leninist organization, its Swedish representatives Vale and Jones infiltrated the association of American deserters in Sweden (see above). We consider this a CIA operation on Swedish soil. The intention must have been to disrupt an organization that had a strong impact on public opinion in Europe, not just by its existence, but also through a range of activities such as lectures, etc.
The deserter association later exposed Vale and Jones as agents and infiltrators, even with direct contact with a Swedish secret police (Säpo) inspector. Vale then went to West Germany where he continued as infiltrator among American soldiers who were protesting against the Vietnam War. Jones stayed in Sweden and followed the EAP's transformation from left to right.
But of course, the Americans could not stop Palme. After his highly inflammatory statements in the Christmas of 1972, in which he compared the bombing of Hanoi with Nazi Germany's infamous assault on the civilian population during World War II, Nixon pulled back his ambassador to Stockholm, leaving Sweden with only a chargé d'affairs as acting head of mission. In addition, he refused to accredit a new Swedish ambassador to Washington.
The FPRI had from early on many activities related to the Vietnam War, some in connection with military operations and some self-operated actions to influence public opinion in different parts of the world. Based on the institute's strong links to the CIA, one must assume that these operations were controlled by the CIA.
One of the first examples of this is that the FPRI in 1966 published the report "Aggression and Self-Defense: Legality of U.S. action in South Vietnam" (Possony 1966), written by Stefan T. Possony, one of FPRI's three top leaders - with conclusions that were the opposite of Palme’s.
Number two of the three FPRI leaders, Colonel William Kintner, was in 1973 sent to Thailand as Nixon's ambassador (see Part 5). Thailand was an important base for political and partly secret military operations during the Vietnam War and the out-phasing of it.
When Nixon finally, in 1974, decided to send an ambassador to Sweden, he chose the third and highest-ranking of the three FPRI leaders, FPRI founder Robert Strausz-Hupé, who after his tenure in Sweden became US ambassador to NATO (1976 - 77).
It is interesting to see the deployment of the three FPRI directors in connection with the Vietnam engagement. Strausz-Hupé probably had as a special mission to find a way to limit Sweden’s and Olof Palme's political influence on public opinion with regard to the Vietnam War.
In this period, Nixon had for a long time planned and finally launched the coup in Chile at 11 September, 1973, when the elected president Salvador Allende was found shot in the Presidential Palace. Palme and Sweden had for many years strongly supported Allende, and took after the coup the lead with regard to criticism of the United States and the military junta in Chile.
Thus, the US administration had already from the late sixties reason to deal with Palme and Sweden's global influence that must have been extremely irritating.
The EAP's operations in Sweden from about 1968 to the murder and some time afterwards seem integrated into the CIA's overall political warfare against Olof Palme.
In some of the previous articles, we have shown that the three disinformants who sabotaged the investigation of the Palme murder had strong ties to the FPRI. When we see this in the context of Strausz-Hupés mission in Sweden, it looks like Sweden and Palme as a person made up a special part of the FPRI's CIA assignment about the Vietnam War - just as it was part of the EAP's assignment.
EAP in Sweden ran the Association for nuclear power development (FKU). This was a subsidiary of LaRouche's American Fusion Energy Foundation (FEF). It is now not surprising that we there find Stefan T. Possony from FPRI as a board member (Herman & O'Sullivan 1989:76).
In February 1982, when President Reagan launched his Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), popularly known as Star Wars, LaRouche and his FEF got strongly engaged in the project and launched the so-called LaRouche/Teller initiative for the use of laser weapons. He combined his own material with Teller's published report, but without asking him. This way, FEF gained the initiative within the private sector as a knowledge resource for Star Wars (King 1989:68).
In reality, this was a Possony/Teller-initiative. It was these two who worked out the theoretical foundation for Star Wars when they worked together at the Stanford Hoover Institute (Beyondmkultra 2011, Herman & O'Sullivan 1989:92). It is therefore not impossible that Possony may have been a permanent liaison between the EAP and FPRI from the sixties onwards.
We will later return to FPRI/Possony and other psychological operations in Sweden, including the hunt for the “Soviet” submarines.
Säpo could have prevented the murder
It was not difficult to discover the massive hate campaigns against Palme from both EAP and a number of other groups in Sweden throughout many years before the murder.
For example, Säpo had already several years before the murder kept the so-called "gentlemen's dinners" under surveillance. These meetings of extremist police officers with political lectures were hosted by Police Inspector Stellan Åkerbring in the period 1982-84 (GK 1999:292 ff, Nilsson 2000:258).
Säpo took this activity so seriously that it early on informed Minister of Justice Ove Rainer and later his successor Sten Wickbom. In 1983, PM Palme was also personally informed about what was going on (GK 1999:293).
Through this surveillance, Säpo must have identified the connections between several of these groups. For example, one lecturer was the lawyer Lennart Hane who helped start the EAP's Schiller Institute in Washington together with Anno Hallenbroich (see above).
Säpo was thus fully aware of the massive domestic conspiratorial activities against the Swedish Prime Minister. Säpo was well aware that the EAP was part of a large American organization, and should have discovered that the American press long before the murder had exposed the connection between LaRouche, the CIA and the NSC in the White House.
Säpo must anyway have been given information about the extensive activities of the German Bundestag and in many state assemblies to clarify who was behind the German EAP, and the many details presented by the members that it was probably the CIA. This in many ways involved the BfV that was Säpo's closest partner in West Germany. Säpo must also have known about the special relationship between the BfV and the EAP through the Hallenbroich brothers. Between 1965 and 1986, Säpo had 21 years to follow the brothers' careers and figure out the real implications of this relationship.
If Säpo had done its job, it would have realized that much of the offensive persecution of Palme probably was parts of a campaign that basically was run by US intelligence. Based on this understanding, it would have been possible to take steps that could have prevented the murder, such as increasing the security around Palme and raising the issue with relevant US authorities. No matter how high up in the US administration the operations were planned, it would have been very difficult to carry out an assassination of Sweden’s prime minister if it had received information that the Swedish security police already had defined a possible threat from the US.
After the murder, more and more information about the EAP's links to the CIA appeared in the US as well as in West Germany, not least in the books and news stories that we have cited.
It turned out that also many of the individuals and organizations that came under suspicion by the police investigators after the murder were connected to the EAP. We have already mentioned Victor Gunnarsson, the extreme police officers, Alf Enerström, Contra, WACL and the Baltic Association (the Estonian National Council).
Also the suspect Anders Larsson was interesting for the police investigators. He was the Secretary of the Baltic Association, the former Secretary General of Euro-WACL (the European division of the World Anti-Communist League), a former key figure in the Democratic Alliance (DA), and he had contacts with the EAP (Poutiainen 1994:519).
On top of this, the EAP was very eager to find other perpetrators and to draw suspicion eastwards. Säpo employees are hardly amateurs in the intelligence world and must have seen the surprising aspect that the EAP and its supporters had carried out extensive preparatory work, in the form of discrediting and the hate campaign, and later carried out follow-up work in the form of disinformation. It must also have seen the EAP’s collaboration with people that were suspected in connection with the murder.
The big question is why Säpo did not conduct a thorough investigation of a possible US operation - a survey that the police asked for in the early stages of the murder investigation. Perhaps the threshold for examining its day-to-day cooperation partner CIA's role in the assassination of a Swedish Prime Minister became too high? If so, it may have felt easier for Säpo to lean on the FBI's faulty - perhaps deliberately misleading - examination of the LaRouche movement.
Säpo failed in the protection of the PM
Säpo's lacking competence - and/or willingness - to have an honest collaboration with the police murder investigators should be made subject to a special investigation in Sweden. We have several times in our discussion returned to the fact that Säpo and its responsible leaders Sven-Åke Hjälmroth (Säpo Chief 1976-87), Sune Sandström (Säpo Chief 1987-88), Head of Division PG Näss and Section Leader Alf Karlsson failed on this point.
The Swedish security service Säpo cooperated with the top leader Heribert Hallenbroich in the German security service BfV, while his brother Anno Hallenbroich as the Secretary General of the German EAP conducted "low intensity warfare" against the Swedish Prime Minister who should have been under Säpo's protection.
This was so extraordinary that Säpo should have discussed the entire situation with the Minister of Justice as well as the PM personally. We do not know for sure that this did not happen, but there is no trace of any such communication in the GK report that very thoroughly went through all circumstances relating to the EAP.
It is remarkable that Säpo had a working relationship with a German security service that allowed the brother of its top chief to carry out subversive activities against the Prime Minister of Sweden.
The Swedish government should have made contact with the German government to deal with these conditions. There is no mention of any such contacts in GK's report, either.
It can almost look like the Swedish security police at this point in a remarkable manner failed to include the Prime Minister in the concept of "national security".
What we have described above illustrates how tightly interwoven LaRouche and the EAP was with the entire network that supervised and contributed to a wide range of official and unofficial intelligence operations, as well as larger operations like Iran/Contra, coups and assassinations. Distances were very short between important “private” organizations and institutions like the FPRI, the ASC, the CSIS, the WACL, LaRouche, the EAP, and several others, and between them and the CIA, the NSC, the DIA, etc. Many of these organizations had people in Sweden that we find as suspects and actors before, during and after the assassination of Olof Palme. And the distances between these were also very short.
We will return to more about this in future articles.
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